Strikes in Southern Cameroons

$250 of $500k goal

Raised by 5 people in 4 months
CA
Christopher Ajua  20012-1702
"The only thing necessary for the triumph of evil is for good men to do nothing." - Edmund Burke

"Rebellion to tyrants is obedience to God." --Thomas Jefferson

"There may be times when we are powerless to prevent injustice, but there must never be a time when we fail to protest." -- Elie Wiesel

And: "When injustice becomes law, resistance becomes duty." - Thomas Jefferson.

My name is Christopher K. Ajua, a US citizen, originally from the British Southern Cameroons. You can say I am of "Anglophone extraction".

This activist campaign is to raise funds for the following noble and just causes:
- The struggle for the Restoration of the Independence of Southern Cameroons
- The victims of the brutality of the paramilitary forces of the puppet regime in la Republique du Cameroun headed by Paul Biya.  These are victims who have been killed, seriously injured, maimed, raped and humiliated by the most inhumane treatment ever while participating in peaceful demonstrations.
- Common Law professionals and Teachers who are of Anglophone extraction in Cameroon.  They are suffering from the repressive and oppressive actions meted on them by the dictatorial and tyrannical regime of Paul Biya, President of La Republique du Cameroun who has been in power since 1982.  In this sweltering atmosphere of intimidation, they are on strike, and they need financial support to survive and fight for our Freedom, Justice, Liberty, Democracy, Fraternity, Patriotic Development  and Peace for all Southern Cameroonians.  Their cause is noble and just; and the goal will be attained peacefully - with "the force of argument; and not the argument of force". Southern Cameroonians refuse to be subjugated to perpetual intimidation; and refuse to live under permanent slavery.
- The payment of mounting legal and lobbyist fees (in Southern Cameroons and abroad) resulting from representation of Southern Cameroonians in their struggle for restoration of their Independence!

And here, therefore, is the allegory, the metaphor, the symbology, and the literal: David going up against Goliath; and Moses, on behalf of the Israelites, going up against Pharoah!





What we are witnessing in Cameroon is a clash of cultures resulting from the aftermath of British and French colonialism in Africa! This clash is approaching critical mass. The regime in Yaounde, capital of La Republique du Cameroun, has repudiated with impunity the educational sub-system, the Common Law system, the culture, our Anglo-Saxon identity and other core values. 

These brave lawyers and teachers are the frontline "defenders of the powerless" and are being brutalized in the South West and North West Regions of Cameroon. These lawyers and teachers are fighting for freedom from the shackles of the following vices (just to name a few): discrimination, marginalization, nepotism, subjugation, suppression, oppression, and injustice in all facets of the lives of Cameroonians, and especially those of Anglophone extraction. I call on everybody of goodwill to contribute to this noble and just cause. If you believe in Justice, Freedom, Peace, true Democracy, Liberty, the total eradication of the culture of bribery and corruption which have become endemic in Cameroon, the pursuit of happiness for yourself and for future generations (grand children and great grand children yet unborn), then you have, as a duty, to contribute to this noble and just cause! No amount is too small.

For total financial transparency, responsibility and accounting, the MoRISC organization in the Diaspora, leaders of the Consortium in Southern Cameroons (the CCLL Executive and the All Anglophone Teacher Trade Unions) will assist in the disbursement of funds raised on this website. They will assist in the planning of how these legal funds are spent as they perform their honorable duties for the downtrodden and powerless Southern Cameroonians. The CCLL Executive will be notified about all transactions and also approve any spending.

According to recent news reports:
"On Tuesday, November 15, 2016, 15 SDF MPs at Cameroon's National Assembly are calling for a Federal System.  These 15 SDF MPs at the National Assembly who were not part of the meeting grouping CPDM MPs and Common Law Lawyers have distanced themselves from the recommendations and pressed for Federal system.

They have insisted that the solution must be of general interest, that is to all Anglophones. They describe Tuesday's meeting as a non event.

They have called on Anglophone Cameroonians to stand behind the lawyers and also support the views of the SDF which to them is the only way to solve the Anglophone problem." However, the consensus among most Southern Cameroons is the Restoration of Souther Cameroon's Independence, Freedom and Sovereignty.

Below is a statement released by the SDF members of parliament  to that effect: 
"The Anglo-Saxon System of Education:
The struggle that led to the creation of the GCE board also gave us the Impetus to force this government to enact a law creating the Anglo-Saxon sub-system of Education. This sub-system has gradually been side-lined to the point of extinction and to the extent that the various Teachers Unions of the Anglo-Saxon educational sub-system have programmed a strike to start on the 21st of November 2016. Again, members of the SDF parliamentary group of Anglophone extraction lend their total support and hope that the CPDM members of parliament of Anglophone extraction will not again seek ways and means to put an end to this other noble action meant to restore the Anglo-Saxon system of education.
Some of the touching issues that command us to support this strike action are amongst others:
French speaking and trained teachers are now deployed Into the North West and South West regions to teach subjects in a language that the children and students don't understand.
Public and competitive exams are poorly translated from French to English creating an artificial filter by design for students of the Anglo-Saxon sub-system."

SDF Members of the National Assembly of Anglophone extraction and Anglophone Teachers Trade Unions have made very strong statements about these vexing issues which are available online or upon request.

http://tinyurl.com/h444vp6

More than 5 million Southern Cameroonians are peacefully fighting the French puppet, Paul Biya, and La Republic du Cameroun against all forms of assimilation!







http://www.euronews.com/2016/11/23/anglophone-protester-killed-in-cameroon

Here is a recent declaration by the Cameroon Common Law Lawyers: 
"We the CCLL have also since resolved that the strke shall continue indefinitely except and until all our demands are met. These demands are contained in the CCLL conferences 1 & 2 reolutions and in the communiqué calling for this strike. The gist of these resolutions is that:

1. We want a return to the Federal system of government we voted for in the plebiscite of 11th February, 1961. That is two independent nations of equal status having full independence  uniting as a Federation of states;

2. We want to have a southern Cameroons  National Assembly to enable us make our own laws and other legislation;

3. We want a perfect Common law legal system for Southern Cameroons, ie having her own law school to train lawyers. To nominating and confirming via our own House of Assembly, judges of the lowest to the highest courts, ie including a Southern Cameroons Supreme Court;

4. We want to be able to decide on our educational path and future which primarily favours technical education;

5. We of course demand the use of English language as the sole working language of Southern Cameroons; 

6. We want to manage all our natural resources e.g petroleum, timber etc, and direct FD investment and development; and

7. We want to have the possibility of breaking away from the Union with French Cameroon if it becomes at anytime the wish of the majority of Southern Cameroonians.

We are calling on all Anglophone Cameroonians to stand with us and fight by us to achieve these objective. Together we shall succeed.

The time is now."

Check out the following:

 Cameroon Common Law 

http://tinyurl.com/h444vp6

Cameroon Teachers Union

Please, make your contribution NOW and help fight injustice in Cameroon! I appreciate your efforts to make this cause known to all your contacts via social networking -  Facebook, Twitter, Whatsapp, imo, SMS, email, etc. Please, just know that if you make your contributions, others will follow your generous example.

Like I said earlier, no amount is too small. Any amount you contribute will go a long way. Please, realize that the corrupt regime/government in Yaounde is already attempting to bribe these lawyers in order to kill the cause; and we can assume that bribery and corruption will be used to tempt and stain the teachers into abandoning the fight! We cannot allow evil to succeed! If we are silent and do nothing, we are inadvertently in league with tyranny and dictatorship!

Our African/Cameroonian traditional wisdom and proverb teach us that: "It is the individual drops of [palm] wine that ultimately fill the calabash or gourd. "

http://tinyurl.com/h444vp6

After you make your donation check out more details about the Cameroon Common Law Lawyers here:

http://tinyurl.com/jxsgoaq

Thank you profusely for your generous donation!

Updates: 11/23/2016
Barely two days into the indefinite non-violent strike action called by Common Law Lawyers and Teachers' Unions across Southern Cameroons, John Fru Ndi, Leader of the Social Democratic Front (SDF) has confirmed that President Paul Biya's paramilitary forces have shot and killed at least four people and injured many others during clashes between protesters and police.
Planned:
Friday, 25th November 2016 at 10:00 AM: Protest at Cameroun Embassy Brussels,  Avenue Brugmann 131, 1190 Brussels, Belgium.
Saturday, 3rd December 2016: Protest in Washington DC. Activist will march from 2200 block of Massachusetts Avenue NW, near Dupont Circle,  to the British Embassy; Address: 3100 Massachusetts Ave NW, Washington, DC 20008.
Here is another update from a Southern Cameroons Freedom Fighter received on Thursday, November 24, 2016 (Thanksgiving Day):
"Fellow Anglophone brothers and sisters, its with a heavy but determined heart that I now write. We tabled our complaints to La republique. All they needed to do was to call us for a peaceful resolution but no, they ignored us. They ignored us and treated us as they have been doing for the past 50 years. To them our problem is not a problem at all. We are their slaves and so shall it be, final. We went out for a peaceful protest, they turned it bloody. Our students stayed in their houses as we demanded, they forced them out with tear gas and water. Troops are pouring into our towns with clear order to shoot to kill. One of pur heroes (Mancho Bibixi, Uncle Tse) has received death threats already. The truth is they will kill us, they will try all they can but we shall not give up. We have not come this far to give up when victory is so close. Let them deploy their entire arsenal against us, our will and fight for freedom shall not stop. Its no longer just the lawyers or the teachers, its an entire people, THE ANGLOPHONES. We no longer want to sit for any discussion. What we now want is our freedom. We need our independence. We want to be on our own. I hereby call on the population of the SW in general and Limbe in particular to make their voices heard by boycotting the nations cup and make the place very uncomfortable for the foreigners so that the international community will react. As someone said earlier, we can bend but we shall not break. Take the appointment, Thursday Is the day, Liberty square is the place, black is the dress code for Bamenda. Kumba is Thursday at 3 corner Fiango. Buea is Thursday at Bongo square. Kumbo on Thursday at Squares. Limbe is on Thursday at half mile. Please everybody should come out and make their voices heard. Remember dress code is black and its a peaceful demonstration. No violence and no destruction of properties.
A luta continua. The fight continues.
Please share and pass the information."
Four killed in Cameroon language riots

https://www.today.ng/news/africa/220207/killed-cameroon-language-riots

Following President Paul Biya's boring and uninspiring end-of-year speech, the spokesman of MoRISC commented thus:
"Paul Biya is Served: Southern Cameroons is on an Indefinite Strike against Colonial “La Republique” until Self-Rule is Restored.

By Ntumfoyn Boh Herbert (Yindo Toh)

Most presidential speeches are unpredictable. Not so, speeches by Paul Biya, the President of “La Republique du Cameroun”. Last Saturday was the president’s 35th end-of-year address and it proved, anew, that Mr. Biya’s newest problem is an old one. His every outing is stubbornly true to form and style. Boring. Predictable. Fact free. Power drunk. Sickening. Removed from reality. Overloaded with empty promises. Full of spin and half truths… Even outright lies. 

Those, including some members of the Movement for the Restoration of the Independence of Southern Cameroons (MoRISC), who had hoped that Mr. Biya could use the speech to demonstrate that he is, indeed, the president of the two Cameroons say they were stunned by it. Mr. Biya could have been speaking to the inhabitants of Mars as an actor in some “Alice in Wonderland” movie; oblivious of any reality. With so much at stake, Mr. Biya blew another golden opportunity to make history… to be presidential.  

The speech came on the heels of the most violent and tragic government crackdown of peaceful street protests by Southern Cameroonians. Like Pharaoh in Egypt, Mr. Biya sounded God has “hardened his heart". The time devoted to this issue very early in the speech, betrayed how much the regime has been rattled by ongoing strikes by lawyers and teachers as well as by the wave of street protests across the world and campaigns involving the Diaspora calling, among others, for the restoration of self-rule for Southern Cameroons. 

It would have been laughable were it not so tragic. The same Mr. Biya who, by presidential fiat destroyed the “Union of the Cameroons” in February 1984 when he unilaterally reverted to the name of “La Republique du Cameroun”, claimed that he is walking in the footsteps of the founding fathers. Ahmadou Ahidjo, Um Nyobe, Ernest Ouandie, John Ngu Foncha, E. M. L. Endeley and Augustine Ngom Jua must be turning in their graves. The “best pupil” of a certain French president would “eat the earth” (swear) that imposing the worst form of colonial rule on Southern Cameroons creates a “ONE and INDIVISIBLE” country than the two-state federation set up by the founders. Not true! 

What is true is the following: only divided families and countries afflicted with divisions would find the need to issue loud sounding declarations about being “ONE and INDIVISIBLE”. Gabon is not proclaiming that it is “ONE and INDIVISIBLE”. Mr. Biya found it important to do so twice in the same speech. Very telling of the gravity of the profound divisions that he knows must exist yet must pretend they don’t exist. A believer in the “argument of force”, the abusive spouse (“La Republique du Cameroun”) in the “union of the Cameroons” wants divorce denied simply because the couple is “ONE and INDIVISIBLE”. 

After disseminating a December 15, 2016 “Diplomatic Note” in which it distorts facts and tells outright lies about the events unfolding across Southern Cameroons, Mr. Biya claims in the speech to be “deeply concerned” by these events. A power hungry regime whose secret motto must be “in Machiavelli we trust” slams “The Coffin Revolution” as “a group of manipulated and exploited extremist rioters”. Amazing, right? 

Like every abusive spouse, Mr. Biya misidentifies and belittles the problems of the couple. He dismisses the problems raised by the abused spouse as unimportant compared to other ideals and values of the marriage: the sanctity of the matrimonial bed (such as the flag and Constitution) or what Mr. Biya calls the very “foundations of our togetherness”. The president argues that the couple is still “standing on its feet”; that the abused spouse seeking divorce “can rightfully opine on any aspect of national life, including through duly declared peaceful strike action”. 

Did anyone warn the regime to be careful what it wishes for? Too late now! MoRISC has already evoked this “inalienable” right… the “fundamental civil right… enshrined in the Constitution” to declare (see our Roadmap at www.morisc.org/roadmap) that Southern Cameroonians, with effect from this first day of January 2017, have “duly declared” an indefinite “peaceful strike” against the colonial “La Republique du Cameroun” until self-rule is restored to the former British Southern Cameroons. 

Threat of divorce has a way of reminding abusive spouses of the need to woo their partners as before, charming them with care, love, gifts and flowers. Our first love (Ahidjo) wooed Southern Cameroons on the constitutional promise not to violate the sanctity of the federation of two equal states. In the hope of convincing the abused spouse to stay on in the union, Mr. Biya offered a bribe. He wishes to “personally supervise” (?) the building of a dam on the Menchum River, not far from the site of another project (The Ring Road) whose construction he also pledged to supervised only months into his now 35-year reign. The big problem with telling lies is that the teller has to remember them. 

The regime reminds the abused spouse that the “marriage certificate” was based not just on democracy – pure and simple – but “in the model of democracy which I (the abusive spouse) have proposed”. Go figure what this “model of democracy” means! Is it about upholding only those parts of the Constitution that serve the dictatorship? Why has Mr. Biya’s regime not implement the current Constitution, 20 years since it was adopted in 1996? “La Republique du Cameroun” has notably failed to hold a dialogue envisaged in the hope of saving the union of the Cameroons under a 2009 ruling by a court accredited to the African Union. The regime is so abusive it won’t even abide by the court orders to hold a dialogue with the abused spouse within 180 days. 

Mr. Biya lacks credibility to point an accusing finger at Southern Cameroonians. Why is it okay for the president to resurrect “La Republique” dead and buried on 1 October 1961 and not okay for the spouse to raise from the death Southern Cameroons? 

Truth be told. President Biya – not Southern Cameroonians - is the hostage of a few, manipulated regime and party extremists. Their only job over the past 35 years has consisted of shielding the “absentee tenant of Etoudi Palace” from coming face-to-face with the ugly reality of misery, poverty, hopelessness and despair that nearly four decades of his misrule has visited on the peoples of the Cameroons. The extremists include Prof. Fame Ndongo, who has never stopped undermining the Anglo-Saxon system of education. Extremists like Paul Atanga Nji who deny the existence of any problem. Extremists and “agents provocateurs” like Premier Yang, who descended on Buea and Bamenda, looking for a crowd to rent to “Dimabola” for the regime. The extremists include those who violated students, “disappeared” and killed demonstrators. Extremists like those who chased leaders of teachers’ and lawyers’ trade unions in the closing days of 2016 in the hope of signing a deal lifting their strikes. Unable to reach a deal, the regime’s extremists simply “cooked” one up. 

What else could it be called but playing desperado? Plain. Simple. 

Mr. Biya was defiant, warning no doubt that his regime will not retreat into a hole. However, the regime dropped a heavy hint that it could be waving the white flag. At his discretion, Mr. Biya says he may convene discussions on the same problems extremists within claim do not exist. 

The dust in Southern Cameroons won’t settle until a deal is reached. Southern Cameroonians are only getting started. They won’t stop mobilizing until they win self-rule. The regime can work for a bargain or it can play ostrich, hiding behind empty slogans like “ONE and INDIVISIBLE”. History is full of the story of countries that once claimed exactly the same bull yet could not prevent the birth of new nations. The people of Southern Cameroons are a different people from those of “La Republique du Cameroun”. They have a right to self-determination that cannot be denied by Yaounde. The march to freedom and self-rule can’t be stopped. Certainly, “La Republique du Cameroun” is “ONE and INDIVISIBLE”. But so, too, Southern Cameroons is “ONE and INDIVISIBLE”.

Even the BAMENDA PROVINCIAL EPISCOPAL CONFERENCE [BAPEC] has weighed in concerning this national tragedy:
"For almost one month now there has been a series of unrests and violence in some towns of the Northwest and Southwest Regions(1) of Cameroon occasioned by the strike of the Anglophone Lawyers and of the Teachers’ Trade Unions of the English Sub-system of Education. These have led to the loss of human life and to the destruction of property of some of our citizens. There have been flagrant abuses of human rights, as demonstrated by credible eyewitness accounts and by pictures on local television channels and social media."
BAMENDA PROVINCIAL EPISCOPAL CONFERENCE [BAPEC]

THE SECRETARIAT
ARCHBISHOP’S HOUSE
P.O. BOX 82, BAMENDA
NORTH WEST REGION
C A M E R O O N

BAPEC/PRES/2016/30
22 December 2016

*MEMORANDUM PRESENTED TO THE HEAD OF STATE, HIS EXCELLENCY PRESIDENT PAUL BIYA, BY THE BISHOPS OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL PROVINCE OF BAMENDA ON THE CURRENT SITUATION OF UNREST IN THE NORTH WEST AND SOUTH WEST REGIONS OF CAMEROON*

Your Excellency,

For almost one month now there has been a series of unrests and violence in some towns of the Northwest and Southwest Regions(1) of Cameroon occasioned by the strike of the Anglophone Lawyers and of the Teachers’ Trade Unions of the English Sub-system of Education. These have led to the loss of human life andto the destruction of property of some of our citizens. There have been flagrant abuses of human rights, as demonstrated by credible eyewitness accounts and by pictures on local television channels and social media. This has led to a premature end to the first term of the school year and paralysed the court system in these regions to the detriment of school children, students, parents and the administration of justice. At the moment, it seems that the government and the striking groups have reached an impasse and it is not likely that the schools are going to open even when the second term begins for the rest of the country. These unrests are symptomatic of a deeper unease among the inhabitants of this geographical circumscription of our nation.

We, the Bishops of the Ecclesiastical Province of Bamenda, which is coterminous with the Northwest and Southwest Regions, where we hold responsibility as Shepherds, cannot remain indifferent to this situation. The Church,in this season, celebrates the birth of Jesus Christ, the Prince of Peace. She has as mandate to proclaim the message of peace (Luke 10:5; Matthew 5:9), and has always stood for justice and peace, and worked for the attainment of the common good of society.Because of her role and competence, the Church is not identified in any way with the political community nor bound to any political system(2). This places her in a uniquely privileged position to provide a balanced perspective on the current problem between the government of Cameroon and the population of significant segments of the Northwest and Southwest Regions of Cameroon. It is for this reason that we have presumed to seize the moment and to make the following submission, with a view to assisting the government to seek a lasting solution to this problem and enable its citizens to live in peace and harmony.

*Historical Background of the Problem*
Most of the territory known today as the Republic of Cameroon was a German protectorate from 1884. However, German Kamerun also included British Northern Cameroons, which elected to become part of Nigeria in the plebiscite of 1961. This protectorate was divided into British and French Cameroons in 1916 and confirmed, with some slight modifications, by the Milner-Simon Agreement of 10 July 1919. British Cameroons, which was comprised of Northern and Southern Cameroons, was one fifth and French Cameroun was four-fifths of the entire territory. They were Class B Mandated Territories of the League of Nationsuntil 1946 when they became United Nations Trust Territories.

British Cameroons and French Cameroun were separate legal and political entities and historians have postulated that although this partition was said to be temporary Britain and France instituted two different administrative styles and systems which were to impact on any subsequent movement towards eradicating the provisional nature of the partition and facilitating reunification.(3) After the Second World War, the United Nations (Article 76, b) explicitly called on the British and French to administer their respective spheres of Cameroon towards self-government. It called on the Administering Authorities to “promote the political, economic, social and educational advancement of the inhabitants of the Trust Territories, and theirprogressive development towards self-government or independence as may be appropriate to the particular circumstances of each territory and its peoples…”

Before the London Constitutional Conferences of 1957 and 1958, three political options had emerged in British Southern Cameroons, namely independence as a separate political entity, independence in association with Nigeria, and independence by reuniting with French Cameroun. The Mamfe Conference of August 1959, which was called to hammer out consensus among Southern Cameroonians on one of the options, did not succeed to arrive at a consensus. The three political options persisted, with the most popular being independence as a separate political entity, the next being association with Nigeria and the least popular being reunification with French Cameroun.

Paradoxically, the UN General Assembly Resolution 1352 (xiv) on the British Cameroons’ Plebiscite of 1961, clearly ruled out the separate independence of Southern Cameroons(4), the most popular of the three options. This was thanks to the British who tactfully blocked every chance of the Southern Cameroonians voting for independence as a separate entity, convincing the United Nations that Southern Cameroon was not economically viable and could only survive by leaning on Nigeria or the Republic of Cameroon, and recklessly steering the Mamfe All Party Conference of August 1959 to ensure that the parties did not achieve consensus(5). In fact, the British wanted Southern Cameroons to gain independence in association with Nigeria. Consequently, the two questions adopted for the plebiscite were:

1. Do you wish to achieve independence by joining the independent Federation of Nigeria?
OR
2. Do you wish to achieve independence by joining the independent Republic of Cameroun?

Southern Cameroonians were apprehensive of this move and put pressure on John Ngu Foncha to lead a delegation to London in November 1960 to include the option of independence as a separate political entity. The request was rejected. Nevertheless, according to United Nations Resolution 1541(XV) Principles VII and VIII, Southern Cameroons was qualified to achieve independence either through association or integration which “should be on the basis of complete equality between the peoples of the erstwhile Non-Self-Governing Territory and those of the independent country with which it is integrated. The peoples of both territories should have equal status and rights”. It was with this understanding that on the 11th of February 1961 British Southern Cameroons voted to join French Cameroun while British Northern Cameroons voted to join the Federal Republic of Nigeria.

The Foumban Conference of 17th- 21st July 1961 agreed broadly what the “marriage” between the two Cameroons was going to look like. The Yaoundé Tripartite Conference of 2nd-7th August 1961 put this agreement in legal form. Worthy of note here is the fact that the draft 1961 Constitution was never presented to the Southern Cameroons House of Chiefs (SCHC) and the Southern Cameroons House of Assembly(SCHA) for deliberation and approval as should have been the case. Further, it was signed by President Ahidjo on the 1stof September 1961 as President of the Republic of Cameroon when the Federal Republic of Cameroon had not yet come into existence. Be it as it may, the two territories came together in this union as a Federation of East Cameroon and West Cameroon (1961 Constitution, Article 1-1).(6)

In September 1966, all the political parties went into dissolution to form one party in the Federal Republic of Cameroon (the Cameroon National Union), giving birth to one party rule. In 1968, Honourable Solomon Tandeng Muna was appointed to replace Honourable Augustine Ngom Jua without the required Parliamentary endorsement and in contravention of the law which did not permit Muna to handle the posts of Federal Vice President and Prime Minister of the State of West Cameroon concomitantly. Southern Cameroonians saw these moves as dictatorial and undemocratic. They had come from a multi-party democratic society where free debate, alliances, consensus, and respect for the Constitution were the accepted modus operandi.

*Referendum of 20th May 1972*

While West Cameroonians were still bracing themselves for life in a political dispensation which they regarded as imposed on them by circumstances beyond their control and struggling to cope with the manoeuvres of President Ahmadou Ahidjo, he proposed a Constitution that would make the Federal Republic a unitary state, the United Republic of Cameroon. As we all know, in those days it was politically unwise and even unsafe to hold and express views different from those of the President on any issue, and so there was no public debate on the constitution. This constitution was voted on in a national referendum organized and conducted by the Cameroon National Union (CNU), by now the sole political party in the Republic. The results show that the overwhelming majority of the electors in East and West Cameroon voted in favour of a unitary state. Looking back at what happened, many Anglophone Cameroonians now believe that this was the high-water mark of Ahidjo’s deceit and manipulation of West Cameroonians, and some have linked the birth of separatist movements in Anglophone Cameroon to this referendum.

*Subsequent Constitutional Amendments*

Three years later, the Constitution was amended to include the post of Prime Minister, appointed by the President. Following another amendment in 1979 the Prime Minister would be the constitutional successor of the President of the Republic.In 1984, a constitutional amendment changed the country’s name from the United Republic of Cameroon to the Republic of Cameroon. In the eyes of West Cameroonians, Law No 84-1 of 4 February 1984, was incontrovertible evidence that the original intentions of our Francophone brothers and sisters were to absorb Southern Cameroon and not to treat with it as equals. After thirty-threeyears of union, we had all ended up as citizens of the Republic of Cameroon or East Cameroon.

*The Anglophone Problem*

It should be clear, from the brief historical sketch presented above, what the crux of the so-called Anglophone Problem is. No matter what some self-appointed elite and spokespersons for Anglophone Cameroonians as well as government Ministers say in public, the participation of various strata of the population and the growing popularity of separatist movements among young and older members of the Anglophone community demonstrates that there is an Anglophone Problem. There is a consciousness among Anglophone Cameroonians that all is not well and something needs to be done about their plight.

_What it is_

The Anglophone Problem is:
i. The failure of successive governments of Cameroon, since 1961, to respect and implement the articles of the Constitution that uphold and safeguard what British Southern Cameroons brought along to the Union in 1961.

ii. The flagrant disregard for the Constitution, demonstrated by the dissolution of political parties and the formation of one political party in 1966, the sacking of Jua and the appointment of Muna in 1968 as the Prime Minister of West Cameroon, and other such acts judged by West Cameroonians to be unconstitutional and undemocratic

iii. The cavalier management of the 1972 Referendum which took out the foundational element (Federalism) of the 1961 Constitution.

iv. The 1984 Law amending the Constitution, which gave the country the original East Cameroon name (The Republic of Cameroon) and thereby erased the identity of the West Cameroonians from the original union. West Cameroon, which had entered the union as an equal partner, effectively ceased to exist.

v. The deliberate and systematic erosion of the West Cameroon cultural identity which the 1961 Constitution sought to preserve and protect by providing for a bi-cultural federation. 

*The Management of the Anglophone Problem*

It is our conviction that the Anglophone Problem would have been solved, or at least mitigated, if it had been well managed by those concerned. A lack of proper management seems to be what has aggravated the problem. 

_The Government and Government Ministers_

It is unfortunate to note that the government of Cameroon seems to have made every attempt to downplay or even deny the existence of an Anglophone Problem. Government Ministers (even those of former West Cameroon extraction) have denied the existence of any such problem in the media and in public speeches. Furthermore, it is widely believed in Anglophone Cameroon that government has consciously created divisions among the English-speaking elite, remunerating some allies with prestigious positions in the state apparatus previously reserved for Francophones only, and repressing all actions designed to improve on the status of Anglophone Cameroonians in the union. This seems to have been proven true in the recent unrests by the utterances of government Ministers in the Press Conference on CRTV, in the dispatch of an Anglophone Elite delegation to the Northwest Region, and in the brutal suppression of protests by certain professional groups and sections of the Northwest and Southwest Regions.

_Secessionist Groups_

In the face of this denial of the existence of an Anglophone Problem by government and the consequent deafening silence from the government to the cries and protests of Anglophone Cameroonians, certain groups have emerged in Anglophone Cameroon that call for the secession of Anglophone from Francophone Cameroon. The Southern Cameroons Youth League, the Southern Cameroons National Council, and the Ambazonia Movement are some of the most strident of these groups and are currently members of the Unrepresented Nations and Peoples Organisation (UNPO) in The Hague. 

_Federalists_

There are different forms of federalism, and federalists in Anglophone Cameroon will differ as to the specific nature of the federal state they would want. However, they are all agreed that they do require a federation which recognises and preserves the region’s peculiarity, as did the 1961 Federal Constitution.

_Unitarists_

Successive amendments to the Constitution up to and including the Amendments of 1996 insist on the fact that Cameroon is one and indivisible (Article 1-2, 1996). Cameroon is described as a decentralised unitary state. Unitarists believe that everything must be done to avoid federalism or secession. However, even the decentralisation announced by the 1996 Constitution has not been implemented, and government and administration have been highly centralised.

 Photo: Bishops of the Episcopal Province of Bamenda

http://tinyurl.com/zg7epcb

 *Symptoms of Discontent*

What some people mistake for the Anglophone Problem are just symptoms pointing to the fact that an overwhelming majority of Anglophone Cameroonians are not happy in the union which they entered with East Cameroon in 1961. They have complained against widespread and systematic marginalisation in various areas of public life which point to the existence of a huge problem. Some of these symptoms include the following: 

_Marginalisation in Human Resource Development and Deployment_

i. Anglophone Cameroonians have complained about the fact that National Entrance Examinations into Schools that develop the human resources of this country are set per the French Subsystem of Education which makes it very difficult for Anglophones and Francophones to compete on a level playing field. Majority of the membership of these Examination Boards are Francophone so that the interests of Anglophone candidates are hardly, if ever, protected.

ii. Out of the five Ministries concerned with Education, which is the means of the transmission of culture, none of the Minsters is Anglophone and none even qualifies to be a deputy or Secretary of State. This gives the impression of a calculated attempt to kill Anglophone culture.

iii. In human resource deployment, there is a gaping inequality in the distribution of posts of responsibility between Anglophones and Francophones. Of the 36 Ministers who defended the budgets for the Ministries last month, only one was Anglophone. In addition, there seem to be key ministries that have been reserved for Francophone Ministers only and Anglophones do not even qualify to be Secretaries of State under them. These include, but are not limited to, Defence, Finance, Territorial Administration, and Economy.

iv. In the 1961 Constitution, the Vice President was the second most important personality in state protocol. Today, the Prime Minister (appointed Anglophone) is the fourth most important person in State Protocol, after the President of the Senate and the President of the National Assembly. Even so, Anglophone Cameroonians believe that he wields no real authority and, like was the case with J.N. Foncha as First National Vice President of the CPDM, finds it “impossible to use [his] exalted position to help in any way shape or influence the policies of the party and nation.”(7) There are clearly Francophone ministers who wield more power than he does. This seems to have been proven true in the last Teachers’ strike. When the Prime Minister was in Bamenda negotiating with the Teachers’ Union Leaders, a group of Francophone Ministers were giving a Press Conference in Yaoundé on the same issue, giving the impression that the negotiations of the PM in Bamenda were of no consequence. 

_The Treatment of the English Language_

There have been widespread protests about the way the English Language has been treated in the public life of the nation.
i. State institutions produce documents and public notices in French, with no English translation, and expect English speaking Cameroonians to read and understand them.

ii. National Entrance Examinations into some professional schools are set in French only and Anglophone candidates are expected to answer them. Sometimes this happens even in the English-speaking regions.

iii. Visitors and clients to government offices are expected to express themselves in French, even in the English-speaking regions, since most of the bosses in the offices speak French and make no effort to speak English.

iv. Most Senior Administrators and members of the Forces of Law and Order in the Northwest and Southwest Regions are French-speaking and make no effort to understand the cultures and customs of the people they are appointed to govern.

v. Members of Inspection Teams, Missions and Facilitators for Seminars sent from the Ministries in Yaoundé to the English-speaking Regions are generally predominantly French speaking, and expect to be understood by audiences which are predominantly English speaking.

vi. The Military Tribunals in the Northwest and Southwest Regions are basically French courts.

vii. Basic Finance documents which businesses and other institutions are expected to work with are all in French. Examples include the COBAC Code, the CIMA Code and the OHADA Code. 

_The Flooding of Anglophone Cameroon with Francophone Administrators and Workers_

Apart from the fact that Ministers, Directors General, Heads of Parastatals, Senior Divisional Officers, Heads of Law Enforcement Institutions, etc. are disproportionately Francophone, there seems to have been a conscious effort made to flood the Northwest and Southwest Regions with Francophone Heads of Service.

i. The Magistrates in these Regions are disproportionately Francophone. So are the Senior Divisional Officers, the Divisional Officers, Commissioners, and Commandants. In the educational sectors, there are increasingly Francophone principals posted to Anglophone schools. Personnel in Hospitals, Banks and Mobile Telephone Companies (even those which originate from Anglophone countries), are predominantly Francophone. And this extends to even non-expert workers in petrol stations.

ii. The situation is aggravated by the fact that these Francophone administrators are often overbearing, very arrogant and treat people as if they were second-class citizens, and have no iota of respect for the dignity of the human person. 

_Mismanagement of ‘West Cameroon’ Patrimony_

Apart from neglect of infrastructure in the Northwest and Southwest Regions of Cameroon and the mismanagement and ruin of buoyant companies like Cameroon Bank, West Cameroon Marketing Board, WADA in Wum, West Cameroon Cooperative Movement, etc., oil revenues are alleged to be used by those in power to feed ‘the bellies’ of their allies, and to stimulate the economy in other regions. In addition, there is also great anxiety in Anglophone Cameroon that its major agro-industrial enterprises, especially the Cameroon Development Corporation (CDC) and Plantations Pamol du Cameroun Ltd (Pamol), are sold or their headquarters moved elsewhere. 

_The ‘Francophonisation’ of the English Educational Subsystem and the Common-Law System_

The flooding of state Anglophone educational and legal institutions with French-trained and French speaking Cameroonians who understand neither our educational subsystem nor the English Common Law undermines Anglophone education and legal heritage and subverts the original intentions of the founders of the nation to build a bi-cultural nation, respecting the specificity of each region. This is the cause of the current strikes by common law lawyers and teachers. 

_Admissions into State Professional Schools_

The exclusion of qualified Anglophones in admissions into state professional schools (especially Schools of Administration, Medicine and Medical Sciences and Higher Teacher Training) even in the Anglophone Regions is a glaring example of marginalisation which the Teachers Unions cited.

These, and many others, have led to the unease and discomfort of the people of the Northwest and Southwest Regions. They perceived this marginalisation as institutionalised as they have been labelled “Biafrans”, “enemies in the house” and “traitors” by highly placed government officials and ministers who were never reprimanded for doing so. 

*Gradual Erosion of Anglophone Identity*

There has been a misleading argument from some quarters where some have argued that an Anglophone is anyone who can speak English, as a way of countering Anglophone Cameroonians who protest the issues we have enumerated above. It might be helpful, for the purposes of our presentation and future discourse, to note here that ‘Anglophonism’ goes beyond the mere ability to speak or understand the English language. It speaks to a core of values, beliefs, customs, and ways of relating to the other inherited from the British who ruled this region from 1916 to 1961. ‘Anglophonism’ is a culture, a way of being which cannot be transmitted by merely learning a language. In fact, as Dr. Anthony Ndi intimates, Southern Cameroonians had “a distinctive outlook and way of life that went further than the mere fact that the educated ones among them spoke the English Language or a version of it. So, therefore, language could not even be the qualifying factor”.(8) This Anglophone identity is the reason most Southern Cameroonians who voted to join the Republic of Cameroon in 1961 did so. It was to preserve their cultural identity as a distinct people.

Anglophone Cameroonians are slowly being asphyxiated as every element of their culture is systematically targeted and absorbed into the Francophone Cameroon culture and way of doing things. These include the language, the educational system, the system of administration and governance (where appointed leaders are sent to lord it over people who cherish elected leaders), the legal system, and a transparent democratic process where elected leaders are answerable to the electorate who put them there in the first place.

Anglophone Cameroonians have seen through this and are raising their voices in protest. The two All Anglophone Conferences (AAC I and II) of the early 1990s, the rise and popularity of the SCNC and other secessionist voices are born of the frustration of Anglophone Cameroonians of being ignored and ridiculed for asking for what they deem to be theirs by right, namely the preservation of their culture. You would remember that, in his resignation letter from the post of first Vice President of the CPDM on the 9th of June 1990, J.N. Foncha cited in point 9 of the letter, as a reason for resigning, the fact that the constitution was “in many respects being ignored and manipulated”. 

*A Natural Reaction*

The reaction of Anglophone Cameroonians to preserve their culture can only be described as ‘natural’. Is it any surprise that the first Opposition party that forced the door open for multi-partyism in Cameroon, the Social Democratic Front (SDF), came from Anglophone Cameroon? Following the formation of the party, the architect who brought Southern Cameroonians into the union with the Republic of Cameroon, John Ngu Foncha, resigned in disillusionment as the First Vice-President of the CPDM. He explained:
The Anglophone Cameroonians whom I brought into the union have been ridiculed and referred to as ‘les Biafrians’, ‘les ennemies dans la maison’, ‘les traitres’ etc., and the constitutional provisions which protected this Anglophone minority have been suppressed, their voice drowned while the rule of the gun replaced the dialogue which the Anglophones cherish very much.(9)

This is not to say that we do not see the other side of the argument. In any polity formed bytwo or more ethnic, cultural, religious, or linguistic groups, there is bound to be a majority versus minority problem. In any such situation, the wise thing to do would be to make constitutional provisions which would protect and safeguard the existence and rights of the minority, rather than trample on them. The Church teaches that “not even the majority of a social body may violate these rights, by going against the minority, by isolating, oppressing, or exploiting it, or by attempting to annihilate it.”(10) Cameroon prides itself as a state of law. In this area, she is at one with the Church which teaches that society should be organised on the principle of the “rule of law”. This is the principle “in which the law is sovereign, and not the arbitrary will of individuals”(11) So, apart from the plethora of issues which enhance Anglophone disaffection with the union, there is the additional problem that they are a minority in that union. 

*Proposed Way Forward*

It is not for us to dictate to the Cameroonian people what form the government of this countryshould take or what solutions should be provided for the problems we have highlighted. The Church respects the legitimate autonomy of the democratic order and is not entitled to express preferences for this or that institutional or constitutional solution. Her contribution to the political order is precisely her vision of the dignity of the person revealed in all its fullness in the mystery of the Incarnate Word(12). That notwithstanding, we feel obliged in conscience as the religious and moral leaders in this part of the country, who exercise care over a people who are hurting, to propose the following lines of action which, hopefully, should lead to peace and harmony among our people. 

_Honesty in the face of the Anglophone Problem_

One of the most disingenuous things any enlightened Cameroonian, talk less of educated Cameroonian of Anglophone upbringing, can do is to deny that there is an Anglophone Problem. If former French President, Jacques Chirac, the Commonwealth, the European Union, and many others have recognised that there is an Anglophone Problem and advised that the government of Cameroon and the discontented Anglophones engage in dialogue, how can Cameroonians deny that there is a problem? To play the ostrich and bury our heads in the sand is to sow disaster for the future of the nation we all love. It is to give way to extremist tendencies in the Anglophone community born of frustration at not being listened to or understood. Is it possible that the government has not heard the cries of distress of the All Anglophone Conferences which represented a broad base of Anglophone Cameroonians? Is it possible that the government has not heard the Parent-Teacher Associations (PTA), the Common-Law Lawyers, the Teachers’ Trade Unions, Students, and others who are not only uncomfortable but are choking under the present dispensation?

Is it possible for us to look this beast in the eye, confront it together and overcome it for the sake of peace and unity in our country? The government’s continued denial of any Anglophone Problem, and its determination to defend the unitary state by all available means, including repression, could lead to an escalation of Anglophone demands past a point of no return, and this is not something any responsible citizen would wish for their country. 

_The All Anglophone Conferences (AAC) of 1993 and 1994_

In May1993, the 65-member Anglophone Standing Committee established by the AAC submitted a draft constitution which would provide for major political, financial, and fiscal autonomy for the two federated states, for the provinces inside both, and for the communities inside each province. Theyproposed the usual separation of powers between the executive, legislative, and judiciary, and a senate and national assembly for each federated state, as well as a rotating presidency for the Federal Republic, whereby after at most two consecutive mandates of five years an Anglophone would succeed a Francophone (or vice versa). This proposal was even reiterated for each of the federated states to ensure alternation between the provinces. This would be for us a lasting solution to the irksome Anglophone Problem, and would be acceptable to the majority of Anglophone and Francophone Cameroonians. 

_The Implementation of the 1996 Constitution_

We know there is never a perfect constitution and that is the reason why constitutions are amended to make them responsive to changes in time and situation. The 1996 Constitution, even though some have had issues with sections of it, is good enough as an immediate remedy for the ‘woes’ Anglophones are listing and which make life together in this nation burdensome to them. As the second-best option, we recommend an urgent and immediate implementation of the 1996 Constitution. We recommend that all the institutions created by that constitution be put in place, and that those put in place be empowered with persons charged with rendering them functional. This would include the Regions, the Senate and, by extension, the constitutional council, administrative courts, the minor courts of accounting/auditing. It is important for Cameroonians, especially those who seek protection under the ‘rule of law’ and of the Constitution, to know that the constitution has really been deployed as a means of regulating the political process in Cameroon. It is our firm belief that if this is done immediately, it would satisfy the majority of Anglophone Cameroonians and silence the calls for secession which have characterized this period of unrest. 

_Constructive Dialogue and the Establishment of a Roadmap_

In the short term and, because the Lawyers and Teachers Strikes have paralysed our legal and school systems, it is imperative for the government to dialogue with the Lawyers and Teachers as soon as possible and agree a possible roadmap regarding their legitimate and genuine demands. We cannot solve a problem if we are unwilling to talk to each other. In the spirit of the African family, we would expect the father of the family to find out from a hurting (even if errant) child what the problem is and what they can do to alleviate their pain and suffering. There are a good number of the problems raised by our lawyers and teachers which can be solved now and there are others which can be solved later, but we need to agree a roadmap and respect it. This will enable the Teachers’ Unions to call off the strike and permit our children, who have already lost four weeks of schooling, to return to school. Indeed, openness to dialogue and to cooperation is required of all people of good will, and in particular of individuals and groups with specific responsibilities in the areas of politics, economics and social life, at both the national and international levels(13). 

_Respect for Human Rights_

While it is the duty of administrative and law enforcement officers to maintain peace and order in their areas of jurisdiction, many of them have been unnecessarily overbearing and arrogant. Issuing orders and threats for teachers to return to school, for instance, is not the way to solve their problem. Further, the current unrests have shown up a very ugly and embarrassing side of our administrators and the forces of law and order. Without any provocation from the lawyers or students at the University of Buea (who carried placards saying ‘No to Violence’ and raised their hands in the air), the forces of law and order brutalized some of them so badly and so inhumanely that seeing the pictures one would have thought they came from the Stone Age. It was shameful to see law enforcement officers drag female students in the mud, spray students’ rooms with tear-gas and contaminated water, and then lock some up for days just for exercising a basic human right to make their voices heard in a peaceful manner. 

The Church teaches that

“A just society can become a reality only when it is based on the respect of the transcendent dignity of the human person… Every political, economic, social, scientific, and cultural programme must be inspired by the awareness of the primacy of each human being over society… For this reason, neither his life nor the development of his thought, nor his good, nor those who are part of his personal and social activities can be subjected to unjust restrictions in the exercise of their rights and freedom.”(14)
Our administrators and the forces of law and order need to be called to order. In the exercise of their duties for the common good of all citizens, they must never trample on the rights of those citizens and deal out subhuman treatment to them. Such behaviour contravenes the law and provides a seedbed for deep resentment which later manifests itself in very ugly ways.

It is in light of this that we propose that the government should immediately withdraw the forces of law and order from the streets of the Anglophone towns to which they have been deployed, open proper investigations into any abuses of human rights by the forces of law and order, and release or charge those who have been locked up as a result of the recent unrests. In this way, we would have a better climate for the negotiations which have been proposed between the government and the teachers and lawyers. 

_Justice for All_

Every Anglophone group that has raised its voice in protest has chronicled a number of perceived injustices which either the group or the Anglophone community in general suffers. Again, if the government gives them a listening ear, it would become clear to all whether these perceived injustices are founded or just imaginary. As long as these people, rightly or wrongly, continue to feel that they are the victims of injustice, we cannot build ‘the Island of Peace’ in Central and West Africa we have been proclaiming that we are, and we cannot develop our country without this peace either. We do not believe, in conscience, that locking up people who speak up against injustice (real or imagined) will kill dissent and bring peace. Maybe some examples will help clarify the point we are making.

On the 14th of December 1967, Martin Luther King, Jr. made a statement outside a California prison where Vietnam war protesters were being held. He said: There can be no justice without peace and there can be no peace without justice.On the World Day for Peace, 1st January 1972, Pope Paul VI had as theme for his Message: if you want peace, work for justice. These great crusaders for social justice teach us that without justice, peace will be an elusive goal.

Of course, you would remember the Apostolic Visit of Pope St. John Paul II to Cameroon in August 1985. In his Address to the President, Constituted Bodies, and the Members of the Diplomatic Corps, he said:
« Devant les conflits qui demeurent ou renaissent, tout le monde doit se poser honnêtement la question de leurs causes. Les injustices commises par certains régimes, concernant les droits de l’homme en général ou les revendications légitimes d’une partie de la population qui se voit refuser la participation aux responsabilités communes, déclenchent des soulèvements d’une violence regrettable, mais qui ne pourront être apaisés qu’avec le rétablissement de la justice. »
These examples show that we need to examine, in a dispassionate manner, the root causes of the unease and unrest in the Anglophone Region of Cameroon and, if these causes are connected to injustice in any form, do all we can to root out those injustices. 

*Conclusion*

Your Excellency,

We stated at the beginning of this Memorandum that it is our bounden duty as Shepherds of the people in the Northwest and Southwest Regions of Cameroon where there are unrests and dissatisfaction, to make a contribution to the solution of the problems that have been posed. We hope that you will find our contribution helpful as you try to navigate this very sensitive and delicate period in our nation’s history. We are aware of the gravity of your responsibility before the people of Cameroon and before History, and that is why we tried to do all we could to help. In addition, we commend you and the people of Cameroon to God in prayer, in the belief that He will give you the wisdom you need to carry out this task. We can only add that in this case, time is of the essence as some of our children have already missed school for a month.

A certain religious leader is credited to have said: There really can be no peace without justice. There can be no justice without truth. And there can be no truth, unless someone rises up to tell you the truth.What we have set forth here is what we believe to be the truth, told as part of our prophetic mission, in the hope that it will bring justice, peace, and harmony to this country which we all hold dear to our hearts.

May Mary, Queen of Peace, and Patroness of Cameroon, intercede for us and for our country.

+George Nkuo,
Bishop of Kumbo and President of BAPEC

+Cornelius Fontem Esua,
Archbishop of Bamenda

+Immanuel Bushu,
Bishop of Buea

+Andrew Nkea,
Bishop of Mamfe

+Agapitus Nfon,
Bishop of Kumba

_________

ENDNOTES
1. The territory which covers the Northwest and Southwest Regions has been called various names in the History of Cameroon: British Southern Cameroons, West Cameroon, Anglophone (English-speaking) Cameroon. These names will be used in this document as appropriate to the historical period in question.
2. Gaudium et Spes, No. 76
3. Ngoh, J. V., (2011:4), The Untold Story of Cameroon Reunification: 1955-1961, Limbe, Presprint Plc.
4. Mukete, V. E., 2013:419, My Odyssey: The Story of Cameroon Reunification With Authentic Letters of Key Players, Yaounde, Sopecam.
5. Ndi, A., (2013:6) Southern West Cameroon Revisited (1950-1972): Unveiling Inescapable Traps, Volume 1, Bamenda, Paul’s Press.
6. Constitution reproduced in: Ndi, A. (2013), Southern West Cameroon Revisited (1950-1972): Unveiling Inescapable Traps, Volume 1, Bamenda, Paul’s Press. See Appendix IV
7. J.N. Foncha, 9th June 1990: Letter of Resignation from the CPDM
8. Ndi, A., (2005:249-50), Mill Hill Missionaries in Southern West Cameroon (1922-1972): Prime Partners in Nation Building, Paulines Publications Africa, Nairobi.
9. J.N. Foncha, 9th June 1990: Letter of Resignation from the CPDM
10. John Paul II, Centissimus Annus, No. 45.
11. John Paul II, Centissimus Annus, No. 44.
12. John Paul II, Centissimus Annus, No. 47.
13. John Paul II, Centissimus Annus, No. 60
14. Pontifical Council for Justice and Peace, Compendium of the Social Teaching of the Church, Nos 128, 133"

Below is from a Whatsapp posting by a concerned activist:
"International Pressure Mounts.
I am happy with the international phase this struggle is taking. I want to thank Barrister Bobga Harmony for the powerful interview over BBC this morning. Barrister Bobga made it clear and called on the United Nations and Great Britain to come back and settle the injustice they did to the people of Southern Cameroons. He made the case for Southern Cameroons like you have never heard over BBC.
Also France 24 and other newspapers and media in Nigeria, Ghana, South Africa etc are picking up the injustice against Anglophone Cameroon
I have established contacts with the commonwealth through a source and our case is being tabled.
Cameroonians in UK are leading a protest march at the embassy this Friday 25th. I am leading one myself in Brussels this Friday, 25th. Those around Brussels should join us.
Ayah Paul Abine is getting ready to hit Equinox and make our case. He is on the ground.
Cameroonians are writing to BBC etc. Wherever you are, distance is not a barrier. If you are home, stay home. Don't go to school. If you are abroad, use your network to contact international bodies, protest at Cameroun embassies.
In due course I will direct to all those who want to contribute financially to do so.
Meanwhile indefinite Strike continues."
By: Mark Bara

Here is a powerful critique of President Paul Biya's 2016 year end speech by a staunch leader of the Southern Cameroons struggle for the restoration of her Independence:
"Most presidential speeches are unpredictable. Not so, speeches by Paul Biya, the President of “La Republique du Cameroun”. Last Saturday was the president’s 35th end-of-year address and it proved, anew, that Mr. Biya’s newest problem is an old one. His every outing is stubbornly true to form and style. Boring. Predictable. Fact free. Power drunk. Sickening. Removed from reality. Overloaded with empty promises. Full of spin and half truths… Even outright lies.

Those, including some members of the Movement for the Restoration of the Independence of Southern Cameroons (MoRISC), who had hoped that Mr. Biya could use the speech to demonstrate that he is, indeed, the president of the two Cameroons say they were stunned by it. Mr. Biya could have been speaking to the inhabitants of Mars as an actor in some “Alice in Wonderland” movie; oblivious of any reality. With so much at stake, Mr. Biya blew another golden opportunity to make history… to be presidential.

The speech came on the heels of the most violent and tragic government crackdown of peaceful street protests by Southern Cameroonians. Like Pharaoh in Egypt, Mr. Biya sounded God has “hardened his heart". The time devoted to this issue very early in the speech, betrayed how much the regime has been rattled by ongoing strikes by lawyers and teachers as well as by the wave of street protests across the world and campaigns involving the Diaspora calling, among others, for the restoration of self-rule for Southern Cameroons.

It would have been laughable were it not so tragic. The same Mr. Biya who, by presidential fiat destroyed the “Union of the Cameroons” in February 1984 when he unilaterally reverted to the name of “La Republique du Cameroun”, claimed that he is walking in the footsteps of the founding fathers. Ahmadou Ahidjo, Um Nyobe, Ernest Ouandie, John Ngu Foncha, E. M. L. Endeley and Augustine Ngom Jua must be turning in their graves. The “best pupil” of a certain French president would “eat the earth” (swear) that imposing the worst form of colonial rule on Southern Cameroons creates a “ONE and INDIVISIBLE” country than the two-state federation set up by the founders. Not true!

What is true is the following: only divided families and countries afflicted with divisions would find the need to issue loud sounding declarations about being “ONE and INDIVISIBLE”. Gabon is not proclaiming that it is “ONE and INDIVISIBLE”. Mr. Biya found it important to do so twice in the same speech. Very telling of the gravity of the profound divisions that he knows must exist yet must pretend they don’t exist. A believer in the “argument of force”, the abusive spouse (“La Republique du Cameroun”) in the “union of the Cameroons” wants divorce denied simply because the couple is “ONE and INDIVISIBLE”.

After disseminating a December 15, 2016 “Diplomatic Note” in which it distorts facts and tells outright lies about the events unfolding across Southern Cameroons, Mr. Biya claims in the speech to be “deeply concerned” by these events. A power hungry regime whose secret motto must be “in Machiavelli we trust” slams “The Coffin Revolution” as “a group of manipulated and exploited extremist rioters”. Amazing, right?

Like every abusive spouse, Mr. Biya misidentifies and belittles the problems of the couple. He dismisses the problems raised by the abused spouse as unimportant compared to other ideals and values of the marriage: the sanctity of the matrimonial bed (such as the flag and Constitution) or what Mr. Biya calls the very “foundations of our togetherness”. The president argues that the couple is still “standing on its feet”; that the abused spouse seeking divorce “can rightfully opine on any aspect of national life, including through duly declared peaceful strike action”.

Did anyone warn the regime to be careful what it wishes for? Too late now! MoRISC has already evoked this “inalienable” right… the “fundamental civil right… enshrined in the Constitution” to declare (see our Roadmap at www.morisc.org/roadmap) that Southern Cameroonians, with effect from this first day of January 2017, have “duly declared” an indefinite “peaceful strike” against the colonial “La Republique du Cameroun” until self-rule is restored to the former British Southern Cameroons.

Threat of divorce has a way of reminding abusive spouses of the need to woo their partners as before, charming them with care, love, gifts and flowers. Our first love (Ahidjo) wooed Southern Cameroons on the constitutional promise not to violate the sanctity of the federation of two equal states. In the hope of convincing the abused spouse to stay on in the union, Mr. Biya offered a bribe. He wishes to “personally supervise” (?) the building of a dam on the Menchum River, not far from the site of another project (The Ring Road) whose construction he also pledged to supervised only months into his now 35-year reign. The big problem with telling lies is that the teller has to remember them.

The regime reminds the abused spouse that the “marriage certificate” was based not just on democracy – pure and simple – but “in the model of democracy which I (the abusive spouse) have proposed”. Go figure what this “model of democracy” means! Is it about upholding only those parts of the Constitution that serve the dictatorship? Why has Mr. Biya’s regime not implement the current Constitution, 20 years since it was adopted in 1996? “La Republique du Cameroun” has notably failed to hold a dialogue envisaged in the hope of saving the union of the Cameroons under a 2009 ruling by a court accredited to the African Union. The regime is so abusive it won’t even abide by the court orders to hold a dialogue with the abused spouse within 180 days.

Mr. Biya lacks credibility to point an accusing finger at Southern Cameroonians. Why is it okay for the president to resurrect “La Republique” dead and buried on 1 October 1961 and not okay for the spouse to raise from the death Southern Cameroons?

Truth be told. President Biya – not Southern Cameroonians - is the hostage of a few, manipulated regime and party extremists. Their only job over the past 35 years has consisted of shielding the “absentee tenant of Etoudi Palace” from coming face-to-face with the ugly reality of misery, poverty, hopelessness and despair that nearly four decades of his misrule has visited on the peoples of the Cameroons. The extremists include Prof. Fame Ndongo, who has never stopped undermining the Anglo-Saxon system of education. Extremists like Paul Atanga Nji who deny the existence of any problem. Extremists and “agents provocateurs” like Premier Yang, who descended on Buea and Bamenda, looking for a crowd to rent to “Dimabola” for the regime. The extremists include those who violated students, “disappeared” and killed demonstrators. Extremists like those who chased leaders of teachers’ and lawyers’ trade unions in the closing days of 2016 in the hope of signing a deal lifting their strikes. Unable to reach a deal, the regime’s extremists simply “cooked” one up.

What else could it be called but playing desperado? Plain. Simple.

Mr. Biya was defiant, warning no doubt that his regime will not retreat into a hole. However, the regime dropped a heavy hint that it could be waving the white flag. At his discretion, Mr. Biya says he may convene discussions on the same problems extremists within claim do not exist.

The dust in Southern Cameroons won’t settle until a deal is reached. Southern Cameroonians are only getting started. They won’t stop mobilizing until they win self-rule. The regime can work for a bargain or it can play ostrich, hiding behind empty slogans like “ONE and INDIVISIBLE”. History is full of the story of countries that once claimed exactly the same bull yet could not prevent the birth of new nations. The people of Southern Cameroons are a different people from those of “La Republique du Cameroun”. They have a right to self-determination that cannot be denied by Yaounde. The march to freedom and self-rule can’t be stopped. Certainly, “La Republique du Cameroun” is “ONE and INDIVISIBLE”. But so, too, Southern Cameroons is “ONE and INDIVISIBLE”.
ENDS"

From the very beginning of 2017, the Consortium in Southern Cameroons has resolved as follows:
"VERY IMPORTANT ANNOUNCEMENT
All West Cameroonians are hereby informed of the following collective decisions:
1) Collective boycott of all services provided by the government of La Republic du Cameroon.
2) Non payment of taxes of any form including global taxes and business licenses etc
3)No resumption of studies in all Anglophone Schools located both in East Cameroon and West Cameroon.
4) Non attendance of all public services organized by SDOs, DOs and all those representing the government of East Cameroon.
5) This resolutions take as from 1st January 2017 pending a decision calling for a REFERENDUM based on two options: ie Self Governance or a two state Federation with La Republic. This referendum is to be held only on West Cameroon to determine their future.
6) Dispatch this information as a matter of Urgency to all your friends, relatives, etc"

How one part of Cameroon still wants to hold on to its Anglo-Saxon roots
As protests continue in Anglophone Cameroon, IBTimes UK looks at the history of Southern Cameroons.
By Ludovica Iaccino
November 23, 2016 15:02 GMT
In Focus: Former political prisoner Ebenezer Akwanga speaks on independence struggle in Southern Cameroons IBTimes UK

http://www.ibtimes.co.uk/how-one-part-cameroon-still-wants-hold-its-anglo-saxon-roots-1593055

A view from another angle:
"Once I was taught to believe Cameroon was one, but that was a deceptive history. I Laika Rene have observed the following: if Cameroon was one;

1 - why does la republique borrow billions to construct Dams in the french speaking sides of Cameroon while Mentchum is flowing and wasting here in bamenda?
2 - why do they borrow billions to construct sea ports in kribi while Tiko and Limbe dont need as much money to develop?
3 - why are certain ministries reserved for members of some regions and never to north west and south west?
4- why is it that when it comes to national integration as far as entry into certain schools its only evident with HTTC & HTTTC Bambili and Kumba and you don't hear of it in ENS Yaounde and Maroua?
5- why is it that nearly all official documents are published in french despite the fact that english is an official language in cameroon?
6 - why is it that the unwritten official language of the armed forces is French in Cameroon?
7- why are the tanks storing SONORA's oil in Douala not Limbe?
8- why did the govt refuse aid to tar the ring roads in bamenda by the British in 1992?
9 - look at the state of roads in bamenda and compare to any other major town in Cameroon?
10- why is that the govt has completely snubbed the plea from common law lawyers and teachers and ordered its militia to shoot and kill us?
11- why is that minor cases sent to court takes years to be deliberated and pass judgment but when we have a problem that threatens our existence the minister takes a few hours to "hear" and dismiss the case?
(Does he even have such powers?)
12 - why is HTTC & HTTTC Bambili filled with francophones and anglosaxon schools lack teachers?
13- what is the function of a govt delegate (CPDM & appointed)  if not to subjugate the will of the people who have voted for the council heads?
14 - why has the babadjou-bamenda road not  been tarred despite our cries for the past years?
15- don't be deceived by our brothers and sisters who have been given govt posts and you think they are happy, deep within they too are insulted. The only weapon they have used on us is: FEAR OF THE UNKNOWN. I know this is going to hurt some of you but i cant cant hide the truth from my people.

MY BROTHERS & SISTERS, WE HAVE BEEN DECEIVED FOR TOO LONG, THEY HAVE MADE US BELIEVE WE CANT DO WITHOUT THEM BUT   TELL YOU, "THEY CANT DO WITHOUT US" LA REPUBLIQUE HAS BEEN DEVELOPING THEIR REGIONS BECAUSE THEY KNOW WE SHALL ONE DAY LEAVE THEM. WE DONT HATE THE FRANCOPHONES BROTHERS AND SISTERS BUT WE ARE SIMPLY TELLING THAT THEIR REGIME BROKE AWAY A VOW THEY MADE WITH US THAT THEY WILL NEVER ABANDON FEDERALISM.

My people we have as leaders men of bad faith, a gang that has come to loot and kill, lets stand up as one and say NO. The only language any dictator or tyrant listens to is FORCE.

I write this with tears in my eyes, we wanted federalism but i propose secession given the fact that govt of la republique has completely snubbed the strike action called by the common law lawyers and CATTU.. It took hundreds of years for the Israelites to be freed from Egypt, no dream is impossible to avheive. We have prayed so lets accompany our prayers with action.
ALL FOR ONE & ONE FOR ALL"
by: Laika Rene Vernyuy
(Please share with all our brothers and sisters)

Here is glimpse of part of Southern Cameroons history:
"Very clear and concise story about the lost statehood of the Southern Cameroons, I however disagree with one premise: Southern Cameroons wasn't denied independence because of insufficient resources, as assumed by Mr. Litumbe. The reason for the denial of the third option was associated with the International issues of the era, being the cold war, the presence of Communist Russia in the Congo, and the fear nursed by Britain, France and the US, that an independent Southern Cameroons would become another Communist fief in the region, given the presence of Russian backed UPC rebels in Southern Cameroons. Hence, the it was the fear of communism that dwarfed the the third option, not the absence of resources."
By: Neba Mbonifor

Bamenda protests: Mass arrests in Cameroon:
http://www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-38078238


During the weeks of violence in which scores of Southern Cameroonians have either been killed, wounded, injured, humiliated or forceably arrested and held incommunicado by the brutal forces of occupation of French Cameroon, various Southern Cameroonian groups are fighting for the liberation, freedom. self determination and independence of thier territory.  

There have been strkes in Southern Cameroonian cities such as Bamenda, Buea, Kumba, Mutengene and other municipalities.

The Lawyers and Teachers strikes have now morphed into a call for total independence and the corrupt government Yaounde has steadfastlt refused to have a substantive dialogue on the issues pertaining to the "Anglophone Problem".

The following is a Press statement by SCAPO, the Southern Cameroons  Peoples Organization:

"PRESS STATEMENT
December 12, 2016

Southern Cameroons Peoples Organisation (SCAPO)

Constructive Dialogue between Southern Cameroons and French Cameroun
· Southern Cameroons again accepts constructive dialogue with French Cameroon under ACHPR mediation
· Demands that dialogue outcome be forwarded to African Union, UNO
· Applies for AU Membership
· Beefs up War Crimes Case file at ICC

Ladies and gentlemen of the Press,

The Southern Cameroons Peoples Organisation, SCAPO on November 29, 2016 forwarded a report to the African Commission on Human and Peoples Rights (ACHPR) based in Banjul, Gambia reiterating its acceptation “constructive dialogue” with French Cameroun as recommended by the commission in 2009.
The Southern Cameroons Report to Banjul titled “The implementation of the 2009 Decisions of the African Commission on Human and People’s Rights (ACHPR) on communication 266/2003, the Recommendation on Constructive Dialogue,” emphasizes that the outcome of the said “constructive dialogue” be forwarded to the African Union General Assembly where “La Republique du Cameroun (French Cameroun) should be asked to put before the African Union and the UN, proofs to show that indeed she has title over the Southern Cameroons and her presence in that territory is not annexation.”
Consequently, SCAPO, has asked the AU “to grant Southern Cameroon membership while confirming the international boundaries of Southern Cameroons as described in the League of Nations mandate and the United Nations Charter.”
The report, signed by the Southern Cameroons Peoples Organisation, SCAPO, is on behalf of the complainants in Communications 266/2003, who in 2003, and on the behalf of all Southern Cameroonians, tabled a 306-paragraph case (with affidavits) against French Cameroun for colonization. traces the root cause of the escalation between Southern Cameroons and French Cameroun today.
Recall that the landmark human rights case, Communications 266/2003, ended in 2009 with the ACHPR finding French Cameroun guilty on almost all counts of the human and peoples rights as listed in the Southern Cameroons complaint. The ACHPR ruled that Southern Cameroonians are “a people” and hence have all the inalienable rights recognized to all peoples by both the African and United Nations Charter. In more precise terms, the ACHPR said that “the people of Southern Cameroon” qualify to be referred to as “a people” because they manifest numerous characteristics and affinities, which include a common history, linguistic tradition, territorial connection and political outlook. More importantly they identify themselves as a people with a separate and distinct identity. Identity is an innate characteristic within a people. It is up to other external people to recognise such existence, but not to deny it.” (See Paragraphs 178-179 of the 2009 Banjul Ruling)
Peoples everywhere, especially peoples who live in their own territory (homeland) and aspire to their own state, have a fundamental right to reject colonization and the right to self-government or self-determination. Self-determination means that every people, so recognised, have the right to freely determine their political status, and the right to freely pursue their economic and social development according to the policy they have chosen. The right to self-determination is recognised and protected by both the AU and UNO Charters.
Furthermore, the ACHPR 2009 verdict ordered the government of French Cameroon to pay compensation to all businesses in Southern Cameroons which had suffered because of the imposition of the OHADA Law upon their practice by the government in Yaounde.
However, the ACHPR recommended “constructive dialogue”, under its good offices, for an amicable and long-lasting solution to all the issues bounden on domestic constitutional and international law in the now thorny Southern Cameroons Palaver.
In 2010, both SCAPO and the SCNC, representing the people of Southern Cameroons, accepted the ACHPR recommended “constructive dialogue” under ACHPR mediation as a credible and serious means of seeking a lasting solution to what is now the very obvious annexation, colonization and military occupation of independent Southern Cameroons by French Cameroun.
But rather than engaging in “constructive dialogue, French Cameroun has escalated its colonial francophonization of Southern Cameroons by, notably, imposing its francophonity, school system. civil law traditions etc. on Southern Cameroons.
The escalation of French Cameroon colonization is the root cause of the escalation in the occupied territory of the Southern Cameroons today which escalation has led to over fifteen deaths, officially. Incidentally, the call for “constructive dialogue” was also made by the current Prime Minister of French Cameroun, Mr. Philemon Yang, as he addressed supporters of the ruling, Cameroun Peoples Democratic Party, CPDM, during a rally within the precincts of Ayaba Hotel, Bamenda, on Thursday, December 6, 2016. Mr. Yang said “constructive dialogue” was the only way to end the clear insurrection in the annexed English-speaking regions of Cameroun.
Premier Yang was speaking at the close of an exceptionally murderous day in Bamenda during which well-armed elite forces of the French Cameroun army of occupation, BIR (Brigade d’intervention rapide) coordinated with the disreputably savage paratroopers from the Koutaba airbase in French Cameroun to visit murder to, at least, ten unarmed civilians in various parts of Bamenda.
Amnesty International on Friday, December 7, 2016, asked the government in Yaounde to justify all killings and disappearances in the colonized English-speaking regions. Soldiers from French Cameroun on Friday, December 9, murdered at least five persons in Kumba to the south of Southern Cameroons.
Many more persons, including students, have been “disappeared” in both Buea and Bamenda. There are hundreds more Southern Cameroonians illegally detained in police and gendarmerie cells all over the Southern Cameroons by the French Cameroun army of occupation.
The killing of these Southern Cameroonians, most of them by stray bullets, is a War Crime. SCAPO will be making a full and muscled representation at the International War Crimes Tribunal in The Hague about these deaths and disappearances, the outcome of callous use war weapons and live bullets against unarmed civilians. In a Cameroun government communiqué broadcast on the BBC French service (and other media), this day, December 12, 2016, the self-appointed spokesman of the colonial regime in Yaounde, Mr. Issa Tchiroma Bakary, confirmed that the government of French Cameroun is involved in disappeances and death squads in Southern Cameroons by stating the policy of his government to track and murder (“mettre hors état de nuire”, his exact words) Southern Cameroonians demanding their rights. Mr. Tchiroma now figures prominently on the War Crimes list to the ICC.
SCAPO reminds the regime in Yaounde that on Monday, March 03, 2008, the Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court received a 181-page complaint (with affidavits) titled “Genocide and Crimes against Humanity in/by French Cameroun” recounting the history of genocidal practices by successive regimes in Yaounde and attributing responsibility. This case file was beefed up with the particulars of signed document from Beti Elite in Yaounde calling for attacks against foreigners (Southern Cameroonians in the main) residing in Yaoundé.
See SCAPO’s Genocam Supplements 1 and 2.
The Southern Cameroonians Peoples Organisation, representing all Southern Cameroonians, underscores that “in handing down its decision on Communication 266/2003, Kevin Ngwang Gumne and others V. Cameroon, the African Commission made seven recommendations to the respondent state (French Cameroun) and two to complainants (215) Southern Cameroons.” The ACHPR explicitly requested the parties to report on the implementation of the decisions 215 (4).”
Southern Cameroonians are saying that this report to Banjul “was limiting itself to the recommendation on Constructive Dialogue 215–(I) (VI); 2.ii) “because it is the only recommendation that was made to both parties and on which both parties responded in the affirmative.”
Note that “the commission had set a deadline of 180 days for this report but before the deadline was due the respondent State (French Cameroun) requested for time extension stating that they received their own copy of the commission’s decision late and that they needed time to prepare for the dialogue.”
Their request was granted.
Southern Cameroons draws world opinion to the fact that “seven years after the African Commission took the decision in Communication 266/2003 French Cameroun has implemented none of the recommendations.
Not even one!
Consequently, as far as the specific recommendation on dialogue is concerned, Southern Cameroons reports as follows:
1. That French Cameroun, or La Republique du Cameroun, used the time extension granted at their request to carry out elaborate preparation (including the construction of monuments which they called “Re-unification monuments” in Buea and Bamenda for celebrating the event of “re-unification”. This controversial event took place in Buea on 20th February 2014 at a time when the people of Southern Cameroons were expecting the start of the dialogue proposed in communication 266/2003.
SCAPO tabled evidence (Appendices A and B) of the so-called “Re-unification monument” as well as Mr. Biya’s speech in Buea in 2014 to mark the so-called anniversary of the alleged “Re-unification.”

2. That soon after the decision on communication 266/2003 was made public, a serious attempt was made by a Mr. Leke, chief Oben and Dr. Tita (all natives of the Southern Cameroons posing as complainants in Communication 266/2003) to withdraw the said communication. The three persons claimed that they wanted to take up the constructive dialogue proposed in the communication, and that before doing so; they wanted to withdraw the said Communication 266/2003.

The reply, by the Commission, was that their names did not figure on the list of complainants and they could therefore not withdraw what they did not file. They were advised that if they had their own complaint they were free to file it. The three persons then approached the real complainants in communication 266/2003 and proposed that they join them to take up the dialogue with the respondent state. They were told that they had erred by impersonating and attempting to withdraw what they had not filed and additionally they had come to Banjul as part of the State delegation.

The Southern Cameroonian underscored that the French Cameroun engineered fraud was uncovered thanks to “the vigilant manner in which the Secretariat of the Commission handled this episode by Mr. Leke, Chief Oben and Dr. Tita. The Southern Cameroonians sent forth their gratitude to the ACHPR.

3. That while accepting the constructive dialogue proposal, complainants proposed as venue for the dialogue the facilities of UN in New York or the facilities of the AU in Addis Ababa or the facilities of the African Commission in Banjul. They further proposed that the dialogue be based strictly on the principles of international law, in particular the principles of the United Nations and those of the African Union. These principles are the same principles that every country on earth would cite in its defense if its territory or any of its rights whatsoever were being violated by another country.

The complainants, i.e. Southern Cameroonians, underscored that “La Republique du Cameroun would invoke these same principles in any dispute with another country.” Furthermore, the Southern Cameroonians said, French Cameroun, for example, “claims Southern Cameroons to be 2 provinces of her state and, so far, is unable to say by what instruments of International Law the Southern Cameroons became a part of her territory. What were the boundaries of the territory which La Republique du Cameroun inherited on its day of independence on 1 January 1960, on which date its boundaries were frozen pursuant to Article 4(b) of the African Union Constitutive Act? When and by what instruments were these boundaries subsequently expanded to include the territory of the Southern Cameroons? By what instrument of International Law were the people of the Southern Cameroons disinherited of their territory to confer the said territory to La Republique du Cameroun? It was hoped that these questions would be answered unambiguously during the proposed dialogue facilitated by the African Commission.”

4. In view of the fact that while the respondent state has avoided the proposed dialogue for 7 years while human rights violations in the Southern Cameroons have intensified resulting in the present very dangerous escalation between “anglophones” and francophones, and considering that the Assembly of the AU may decide on what action to take after the consideration of reports and recommendations tendered to it by any of its organs and further that it is the jurisdiction of the Assembly to consider membership into the A.U, complainants in communication 266/2003 make the following requests :

A. That the recommended dialogue in communication 266/2003 be forwarded to the African Union Assembly and La Republique du Cameroun be required to put before the African Union the following proofs to show that indeed she has title over the Southern Cameroons and her presence in that territory is not annexation:

i) Under Article 102(1) of the UN Charter: A valid international treaty between the Southern Cameroons and La Republique du Cameroun filed at the UN secretariat testifying to any boundary arrangement between the two states after the independence of La Republique du Cameroun.

ii) Under paragraph 5 of Resolution 1608(XV) of 21 April 1961, a valid Treaty of Union between the State of Southern Cameroons and La Republique du Cameroun at the termination British Trusteeship in the Southern Cameroons.

iii) Under Article 4(b) of the African Union Constitutive Act: The map and boundary treaties of La Republique du Cameroun as they stood on its day of independence, 1 January 1960.

iv) Under UNGA Resolution 2625(xxv) of 24 October,1970: A valid international legal instrument, dated 1961, by which the Republic of Cameroon claims title and jurisdiction over the Southern Cameroons.

B. That La Republique du Cameroun be further required to show in what way her “No” vote on UNGA Resolution 1608 XV was not a vote against Southern Cameroon’s independence, and was not a vote against Southern Cameroon joining her.

C. That since The Southern Cameroon was still a UN Trust Territory with its own complete international boundary on January 1st 1960 (date of La Republique du Cameroun’s independence) La Republique du Cameroun be declared to be in violation of Article 4(b) of the AU constitutive Act and be requested to peacefully withdraw her troops and pro-consuls from the territory of the Southern Cameroons.

D. That Southern Cameroon be granted membership of the AU and her international boundaries as described in the League of Nations mandate and the United Nations Charter be confirmed by the General Assembly of the AU on the admission of the Southern Cameroon into membership of the AU.

The report, by SCAPO, on behalf of the Complainants in Communications 266/2003, and, ergo, all Southern Cameroonian, was signed the National Chairman of SCAPO, the Rt. Hon. Augustine Feh Ndangam.

The SCAPO report has since been forwarded to the Chairperson of the Assembly of the A.U, the African Union Executive Council and the African Union Peace and Security Council, etc.

The SCAPO report all but puts paid to attempts by current French Cameroun premier Philemon Yang, to “divide and impera” (Divide and Rule) by attempting so called “dialogue” with various picketing Southern Cameroon groups. For one thing, Yang does not define policy in French Cameroun and, thence, cannot make any credible, binding and lasting decision especially on the colonization of Southern Cameroons by French Cameroun, an issue concerning international law, the African Union Charter, the United Nations Organisation Charter and, especially, the now-reactivated Decolonization Committee of the UN Trusteeship Council.

The Rt. Hon. Augustine Feh Ndangam
National Chairman – SCAPO
Copy to:
- The Secretary General of the United Nations.
- The President of the UN Security Council.
- The Chairperson of the Assembly of the A.U.
- The President of the Commission of the African Union.
- The African Union Executive Council.
- The African Union Peace and Security Council
- The Chairperson of the African Commission, Banjul, The Gambia.
- The Executive Secretary, ECOWAS.
- The Ambassador, United States Embassy, Yaounde.
- The Canadian High Commission, Yaoundé.
- The Ambassador, French Embassy, Yaoundé.
- The British High Commission, Yaoundé.
- The Ambassador, Russian Embassy, Yaoundé.
- The Ambassador, Embassy of the Peoples Republic of China, Yaoundé.
- The Nigerian High Commission, Yaoundé.
- All Political Parties with Headquarters in Southern Cameroons.
- All Political Parties of the Republic of the Cameroons.
- All Traditional Rulers of the Southern Cameroons.
- All Deputies of Southern Cameroons Origin in the National Assembly of La Republique du Cameroun.
- All Mayors of Southern Cameroons Local Government Areas.
- The Press, National and International."
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Update 3
Posted by Christopher Ajua
4 months ago
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Two-Star Federal Republic Of Cameroon Flag
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Update 2
Posted by Christopher Ajua
4 months ago
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Free the Southern Cameroons - YouTube
Free the Southern Cameroons - YouTube
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Update 1
Posted by Christopher Ajua
4 months ago
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Cameroon Anglophone lawyers continue strike [The Morning Call ...
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Read a Previous Update
Peter Mbile
4 months ago
1
1

Dear Mr Ajua, please can you help develop another payment portal that supports payments from Cameroon!!!! We use VISA but Cameroon is not supported by GoFundMe!!

+ Read More
MT
Mno Tuv
3 months ago

Dear Sir(author of this) I totally disapprove with what you have written.Please stop fouling us.If you people are hungry of power ,it is not through calamnious horrible lies that you will trigger us

+ Read More
MT
Mno Tuv
3 months ago

Dear Cameroonians,l hope that you are now mature.If you read this article

+ Read More
Rupert Tyler Lamar
3 months ago

if no positive respond is given by the government then the lawyers and teachers should not give up for we are with them till the end

+ Read More
Peter Mbile
4 months ago

I have been praying quietly that a way will be found soon to ensure hunger and personal suffering does not cause our lawyers to drop this frontline- what we have often prayed-for. Thank you brother. My prayers have been answered through this donation portal!!

+ Read More

$250 of $500k goal

Raised by 5 people in 4 months
Created November 19, 2016
CA
Christopher Ajua  
MA
$50
Matheno Ajua
4 months ago
MA
$50
Maria Ajua
4 months ago

This is a great service to our people and their freedom.

HS
$25
Helen Somanji
4 months ago
FB
$25
Fred Bebe
4 months ago
CA
$100
Christopher Ajua
4 months ago

Justice will prevail in Cameroon thanks to the efforts of our lawyers, our teachers and everybody of goodwill.

Peter Mbile
4 months ago
1
1

Dear Mr Ajua, please can you help develop another payment portal that supports payments from Cameroon!!!! We use VISA but Cameroon is not supported by GoFundMe!!

+ Read More
MT
Mno Tuv
3 months ago

Dear Sir(author of this) I totally disapprove with what you have written.Please stop fouling us.If you people are hungry of power ,it is not through calamnious horrible lies that you will trigger us

+ Read More
MT
Mno Tuv
3 months ago

Dear Cameroonians,l hope that you are now mature.If you read this article

+ Read More
Rupert Tyler Lamar
3 months ago

if no positive respond is given by the government then the lawyers and teachers should not give up for we are with them till the end

+ Read More
Peter Mbile
4 months ago

I have been praying quietly that a way will be found soon to ensure hunger and personal suffering does not cause our lawyers to drop this frontline- what we have often prayed-for. Thank you brother. My prayers have been answered through this donation portal!!

+ Read More
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